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<title>CEWCES Research Papers</title>
<copyright>Copyright (c) 2013 Bond University All rights reserved.</copyright>
<link>http://epublications.bond.edu.au/cewces_papers</link>
<description>Recent documents in CEWCES Research Papers</description>
<language>en-us</language>
<lastBuildDate>Fri, 14 Jun 2013 14:55:22 PDT</lastBuildDate>
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<title>Primacy of the state in global integration: Successful strategies for gaining state support for global maritime security integration</title>
<link>http://epublications.bond.edu.au/cewces_papers/12</link>
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<pubDate>Wed, 13 Jan 2010 16:57:32 PST</pubDate>
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	<p>The difficulty in suppressing Somali pirate attacks is exemplified by joint operations between the Combined Task Force 151, NATO, and the European Naval Force. They continue to respond slowly to pirate attacks because of communication failures, while mission successes are thwarted by national legal incongruities impairing the ability of the task forces to prosecute and punish perpetrators when they are detained. Thus, at the global level, state cooperation reveals the collective will to contain piracy, but not the capacity in view of an absence of integrated processes. This suggests the problem lies in the interrelationships at the global-state interface.<br /><br />  This paper explores this interface by theorizing the global-state relationship apropos the development of global maritime security networks. It uses two case studies to lay out state-level strategic responses by global networks to integrate state navies in pursuit of global security objectives. As a result, the main findings of this paper indicate that discourse in global security between Rationalist and Internationalist perspectives is dealt with through the global-state nexus, thereby affecting the way global maritime integration is developed. Specifically, this interrelationship empowers the state, since global security integration is contingent on the ability of global networks to appeal to state-centric ambitions.</p>

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<author>Jeffrey Decker</author>


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<title>Freeing knowledge, telling secrets: Open source intelligence and development</title>
<link>http://epublications.bond.edu.au/cewces_papers/11</link>
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<pubDate>Tue, 09 Oct 2007 21:42:36 PDT</pubDate>
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	<p>There are two key areas under constant pressure as the information revolution accelerates that must be addressed; knowledge and knowledge management, or in other words, collection and production. In relation to security matters, the question is how to find the best information to produce relevant and useful intelligence, and then what is the best method to understand that information and develop the appropriate responses. This task has traditionally been the domain of the varying intelligence agencies, who have cultivated an air of mystery and secrecy that is ill fitted to meet the demands of modern counter-terrorism, or even the level of information sharing that is required in the network-centric warfare championed by many in the Pentagon. As the information revolution continues and more individuals have more access to more and more information, it becomes clear that attempting to restrict and control information flows becomes an exercise in futility. It also is apparent that while society at large, and particularly the business community, have begun to embrace the potential offered by information technology advances, the intelligence community lags behind. This research paper will introduce two constructs for dealing with information flows that take full advantage of technological gains, while challenging traditional methods and assumptions about knowledge and knowledge management. For collection, open source intelligence; for production, open source development.</p>

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<author>Cody Burke</author>


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<title>Rome and Parthia: Power politics and diplomacy across cultural frontiers</title>
<link>http://epublications.bond.edu.au/cewces_papers/10</link>
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<pubDate>Tue, 09 Oct 2007 21:42:34 PDT</pubDate>
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	<p>[extract] Historically the gateways to appreciate Persian and Parthian culture were limited until the modern period: these 'foreign' cultures were read through Greek, Roman, Christian or Byzantine viewpoints. However, this did not exclude the practical development of patterns of protocol and diplomacy that allowed these empires to communicate, if not really understand each other. Later on, Medieval Persia and the emerging modern state of Iran would be once again seen through the lens of European geopolitical needs and the Great Game played out between Russian and English interests. This occurred even as Iran carried forward a modified Hellenistic learning and its own unique Persian culture to influence both the Islamic and European worlds. Ironically, the lessons of power projection in the context of racial stereotyping across differing cultural regions was not always retained by Roman leaders, even after centuries of bitter experience and decades of pragmatic accommodation. In the 21st century there are even fewer excuses for failing to understand cultural frontiers as sources of threat and misinterpretation when engaging in distant wars aimed as securing some kind of global 'peace'.</p>

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<author>R. James Ferguson</author>


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<title>Development of eco-tourism in tribal regions of Orissa: Potential and recommendations</title>
<link>http://epublications.bond.edu.au/cewces_papers/9</link>
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<pubDate>Tue, 09 Oct 2007 21:42:33 PDT</pubDate>
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	<p>Eco-tourism both at conceptual and empirical levels is significant in a number of respects. Traditionally it encapsulates scientific, aesthetic, and philosophical approaches which reflect the structure and function of the society. Over the decades numerous changes have been observed both in the content and context of eco-tourism. With globalisation the processes of these changes not only widened and multiplied, but also gained in importance. The present research paper in observing the treasure of tourism of the Orissa region in eastern India, emphasises the potential of eco-tourism in the scheduled areas which are largely dominated by the tribal communities. It argues - and concludes by way of recommendations - that if eco-tourism is properly developed it can not only attract tourists from far and near, but can also generate more revenue for the inhabitants of the region and for the state.</p>

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<author>Nilakantha Panigrahi</author>


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<title>Mandala: from sacred origins to sovereign affairs in traditional Southeast Asia</title>
<link>http://epublications.bond.edu.au/cewces_papers/8</link>
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<pubDate>Tue, 09 Oct 2007 21:42:31 PDT</pubDate>
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	<p>This paper examines 'mandala' as a tradition of knowledge in Southeast Asia. It marries two concepts of mandala: (1) a Hindu-Buddhist religious diagram; with (2) a doctrine of traditional Southeast Asian 'international relations', derived from ancient Indian political discourse. It also highlights the value of Chinese thought as the 'yin' to ancient India's 'yang', in the construction of a Southeast Asian mandalic political culture. In its investigations, this paper draws on to the writings of key historians of this period, particularly O. W. Wolters, as well as the influential Indian text on governance, Kautilya's Arthasastra.</p>

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<author>Rosita Dellios</author>


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<title>Strategic powers in a post-September 11, post-American world: The European Union and China</title>
<link>http://epublications.bond.edu.au/cewces_papers/7</link>
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<pubDate>Tue, 09 Oct 2007 21:42:30 PDT</pubDate>
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	<p>[extract] In terms of the three traditional dimensions of power - political, economic and military - the EU and China have ample scope for becoming leading strategic soft powers, especially if they partner each other as a counter-cultural balance to any state-eroding globalisation on the one hand, or hegemonic Americanisation on the other. In traditional diplomatic parlance, there might well be a 21st century concert of power. The shift from a 'struggle for power' under the competitive balance-of-power to a system of concerts in a multipolar world requires adjustments from above and below. From above it is difficult to give up a preponderance of power, such as the USA enjoys. However, as vulnerability to terrorism has demonstrated, it is unwise to stand out as the 'only indispensable superpower' (Xiang 2001, p. 21), due to 'visibility, enmity, and transitoriness' (Dellios 1997, p. 211). From below, greater emphasis on shared responsibility toward improved domestic and world order, rather than residing in the politics of rights and blame, would improve the climate of cooperation. Extremities in wealth brought about by economic globalisation would need to be checked by a more socialistically inclined governance. And this, ironically, calls for greater democratisation of the world system. Multilateralism is a first vital step in this direction.</p>

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<author>Heather Field et al.</author>


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<title>China and the emerging Eurasian agenda: From special interests to strategic cooperation</title>
<link>http://epublications.bond.edu.au/cewces_papers/6</link>
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<pubDate>Tue, 09 Oct 2007 21:42:28 PDT</pubDate>
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	<p>[extract] China remains a multinational and multi-ethnic state with diverse relations across its southern, northern and western borders. From the third century B.C. onwards trade contacts were made westwards along the ancient Silk Road, while by the Tang Dynasty China had established strong influence in Central Asia. Today a 'new Silk Road' is being developed, this time based on oil politics, as well as renewed political and cultural contacts. China has forged a 'strategic partnership' with Russia aimed at establishing a multipolar world, while from 1994 extensive negotiations have led to strong diplomatic ties among China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan (the 'Shanghai Five'). China seeks not only to engage in trade and get better access to Central Asian energy reserves, but also has sought to create a zone of stability to its west that in some way mirrors ancient efforts to ensure peaceful frontiers. These policies also complement internal efforts to bolster the economic growth of western provinces and autonomous regions that have had slower development in contrast to China's coastal regions. These domestic and international agenda are linked, with numerous transboundary issues including ethnic nationalism, access to energy resources, drug smuggling and the spread of terrorism, suggesting that success is needed in both areas if China hopes to meet its regional objectives.</p>

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<author>R. James Ferguson</author>


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<title>China&apos;s nuclear environment and the US Theatre Missile Defence Initiative</title>
<link>http://epublications.bond.edu.au/cewces_papers/5</link>
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<pubDate>Tue, 09 Oct 2007 21:42:27 PDT</pubDate>
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	<p>This paper examines the various factors that have shaped, and continue to mould, the contemporary nuclear environment of the People's Republic of China. First and foremost, the discussion confronts, and attempts to clarify, some persistent obstacles that confound analyses of China's nuclear posture, while specifically, it addresses those indigenous and external dynamics that determine, constrain and threaten China's nuclear capabilities and its likely posture. It emerges that China's nuclear posture is most credible at a regional level, particularly in northeast Asia. However, such credibility has come under scrutiny because the United States recently decided to hasten the development of Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD) within the northeast Asian theatre. The possible deployment of BMD, combined with other political factors, suggests that the time is ripe to reassess nuclear, missile and BMD strategies in the region.</p>

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<author>Mitchell McGuire</author>


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<title>Religious liberty as a paradigm for the development of human rights</title>
<link>http://epublications.bond.edu.au/cewces_papers/4</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://epublications.bond.edu.au/cewces_papers/4</guid>
<pubDate>Tue, 09 Oct 2007 21:42:25 PDT</pubDate>
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	<p>This paper examines the development of religious liberty as a paradigm of human rights. It will be argued that the development of the concept "freedom of religion" is in fact fundamental to modern notions of human rights. Examining the emergence of religious tolerance and then liberty through the era of the religious wars and subsequently the Enlightenment, it will be further argued that religious tolerance evolved due to political expediency as opposed to rational discourse. Liberal philosophy then established the rhetoric of religious liberty within popular consciousness, but itself lacked coherency. As such, modern notions of religious liberty, particularly as elucidated in International Law, lack a coherent philosophical foundation.</p>

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<author>Alexandra Merrett</author>


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<title>Meeting on the road: Cosmopolitan Islamic culture and the politics of Sufism</title>
<link>http://epublications.bond.edu.au/cewces_papers/3</link>
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<pubDate>Tue, 09 Oct 2007 20:58:34 PDT</pubDate>
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	<p>[extract] We can see that Islam provides a multi-layered religious, cultural and political complex with its own formulation of human rights and norms of international conduct. Certain elements within Islam, especially Sufism, provide a basis for a humanitarian, individualistic approach to life which is at once resilient and open to a range of cultural synergies. As such, a true Renaissance of Islam could provide a reinvigorating and stabilizing influence for 'Greater Central Asia' and the Middle East. It can also contribute to a cosmopolitan but pluralist world culture. This contribution will not be without challenge and competition for other civilisational-groups, including East Asia and the West, but this implies neither the necessity of violence nor warfare.</p>

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<author>R. James Ferguson</author>


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